THE CANADA AT A CROSSROADS SERIES
Canada is at a crossroads. The issues confronting Canada in 2025 go beyond mere setbacks and can more accurately be called crises. Unless they are resolved quickly, we face a deep and potentially permanent loss of our national standard of living and quality of life.
We hereby introduce the “Canada at the Crossroads” series of reports from the Macdonald-Laurier Institute. Each one is a relatively short essay explaining the problem at hand and outlining potential solutions. This series will not propose minor tweaks to existing strategies, nor will it look only for modest course corrections. Canada is beset by incompetent governance, runaway and rampant ideology, social malaise, and a national identity crisis.
Its future is at stake – and the time for small, hesitant steps has passed. It is in this spirit that we invite readers to join us as we confront the problems facing our country and set out serious, disruptive ideas to make 2025 the year Canada began to step back from the brink.
VOLUME 5: PROUD AND FREE – REBUILDING CANADA’S HERITAGE AND NATIONAL IDENTITY
By Ross McKitrick
May 2, 2025
Introduction: Patriotism, True and False
US President Donald Trump’s recent tariff actions and taunts about making Canada the 51st state prompted Canadian government leaders to respond with patriotic chest-thumping about our unique heritage and proud history. But the declarations sound hollow after more than a decade in which many of the same leaders either disparaged Canada as a colonial oppressor with no core identity or remained silent as others did so. Our leaders suddenly want us to have glowing hearts and a love of country after telling us we are genocidal and systemically racist at worst, or a murky broth of pluralistic soup with no core values, more like a “hotel” where anyone is welcome to stop in, but few would think of as a home. The contradictions run deep. The same leaders now expressing horror at the idea of Canada being swallowed by the United States spent a decade slandering and burying the memory of Sir John A. Macdonald, the man who did more than anyone in our history to ensure our independence from the United States in the face of aggressive early American expansionism (Walker 2024).
The current flag-waving sentiment seems to be more reactionary anti-Americanism (and anti-Trumpism) than pro-Canadian patriotism. For instance, in February 2025 while Canadians were angrily calling for boycotts of US-made goods, they shrugged with indifference as the Toronto District School Board voted to strip the names of Canadian heroes like Sir John A. Macdonald, Henry Dundas, and Egerton Ryerson from local schools based on revisionist accusations that they were agents of “cultural genocide,” “systemic violence,” and “religious persecution” (Dutil 2025). Even though there was a provincial election campaign underway, not one Ontario politician objected to these slanders. Likewise, the province’s premier, Doug Ford, bragged daily about standing up for Ontario in the face of Trump’s tariffs (Ford 2025, for example), yet seemed indifferent to the regular attacks on our history by low-level municipal, provincial, and school board officials, even to the extent of allowing the statue of Macdonald at Queen’s Park to be covered up for five years lest it offend anyone.
This report aims to articulate what a real pro-Canadian patriotism might look like, as opposed to the counterfeit versions that focus on anti-Trumpism or post-national utopianism. A real pro-Canadian patriotism is motivated by the conviction that many Canadians still love our country and we want federal leaders to step up in defence of our history and heritage. Survey evidence shows that a majority of Canadians oppose the cancellation of our national founding fathers (Hopper 2022). And any support such moves do receive is arguably overstated because for so long people have heard only one-sided denunciations of our alleged national deficiencies with no corresponding praise for our many achievements. Thus, it is time to bring government policy to bear on the task of restoring national pride and rebuilding public understanding of, and appreciation for, our history.
Key to understanding the roots of our malaise is the former Trudeau government’s embrace of an academic doctrine called Critical Race Theory, or cultural Marxism. This doctrine, euphemistically called “woke” ideology, has created divisions and resentment across Canadian society and left the public demoralized about our national identity and purpose. The next section explains how this ideology works and why its ideas are so toxic to a society yet so difficult to defeat once they have taken root. I then explain what a new government should do to remove woke ideology from government operations and replace it with a patriotic doctrine rooted in history and realism that will help restore national unity and the shared vision necessary for Canada to grow and prosper.
Roots of woke ideology: Oppressed versus oppressor
Woke ideology can be traced to the 1848 Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels, who proposed the theory that all of history is a contest between oppressors and oppressed. They identified the division along economic lines: the working class (proletariats) are oppressed victims while business owners and the wealthy (bourgeoisie) are the oppressors. The Communist Manifesto argued that oppressors can never be reformed, only defeated, and the remedy for oppression is social revolution in which the oppressed unite and destroy every institution that has served the interests of oppressors, including the nuclear family, the education system, private ownership of property, free markets, all democratic institutions, etc.
Marxism gains its popular appeal by cultivating grievance and envy on the part of those identified as oppressed. The Bolshevik party used Marxist rhetoric to win power in Russia in 1917 and proceeded to implement its disastrous ideas in a frenzy of revolutionary violence. In 1949 Mao Zedong led an armed Marxist takeover of China, but he positioned the oppressor/oppressed grid between urban and rural populations. The Maoist Red Guard then launched a horrific Cultural Revolution in which urban dwellers, including many workers who would have been considered proletariats under Russian Communism, were denounced and subjected to torture and execution. In both cases, cultivating a victim mindset in a so-called “oppressed” class led to widespread support for violence and chaos.
Through the work of French and German philosophers in the 1980s and ’90s, the Marxist grid was recast onto cultural categories, now mainly ethnic and sexual identities. One’s status as an oppressed person increases the more one’s identity involves intersecting minority categories, and vice versa. By direct implication, to be a white heterosexual male makes one an oppressor, regardless of life circumstances. Phrases like “white privilege,” “unconscious bias,” “anti-racism,” and so forth emerged from this academic movement.
Cultivation of social divisions
Those who obtain “oppressed” status under a Marxist grid find themselves privileged and on top, while it becomes socially acceptable to insult and denigrate those deemed “oppressors.” For instance, beginning in the late 1980s it became culturally acceptable to use the term WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) as a slur. To insult a town or city as “too White” was considered clever, yet to complain that a neighbourhood had become “too Black” would be denounced as racist. Thus began divisions and resentments as people noticed the double standards.
It is exceedingly difficult for ordinary well-meaning people to resist these changes even as they grow increasingly uncomfortable with them. The “oppressed” are taught to embrace victim status, and since decent people raised with prosocial values feel obliged to extend sympathy to victims of genuine oppression, people who have come to see themselves as “oppressors” are guilted into compliance. The compassion of good people is exploited to get them to declare solidarity with those identified as the oppressed, but never to question the underlying social diagnosis or to ask whether the revolution is doing more harm than good. The generation that read Animal Farm and 1984 in high school can see that something is going wrong, but don’t know how to stop it. They are unwilling to push back for fear of being labelled bigoted or “phobic.”
This social dynamic is leading to a political realignment best illustrated by the conspicuous use of Canadian flags by rural and working-class men in the so-called Freedom Convoy of 2022. The protesters, many of them truckers, would have been part of the “oppressed” class under either Marx or Mao – and have long formed the backbone of the old New Democratic Party/union-based left – but under the current wave of cultural Marxism they are now condemned as oppressors and find themselves being denounced by the left. The NDP’s turn towards cultural Marxism explains why the labour movement’s rank-and-file members are shifting to populist, patriotic, conservative political movements. Even though many blue-collar workers long ago stopped going to church and may not know their Canadian history very well, they still value these things culturally and don’t want them disparaged. They stand for the national anthem at sports events and have an innate sense that respect for God and the church is important in society.
The re-emergence of patriotism has exposed a distinction between conservatives and libertarians. Libertarians argue that the state ought to be neutral about cultural norms and should leave it up to the public to defend them or not. But a society given over to that degree of passivity will be defenseless against cultural Marxism and will end up inhospitable to any liberal political tradition, including libertarianism. The defence of liberty requires a government being openly in favour of the cultural and moral foundations upon which it rests.
Examples of public demoralization through woke ideology
When reports emerged of mass graves at the former Kamloops Residential School, even though no bodies had (or have) been found, the Trudeau government engaged in a long period of Canada-bashing, including keeping flags at half-mast for 5 months and introducing a new statutory holiday organized around the idea of Indigenous people as oppressed and Canada as the oppressor. Churches across Canada became subject to arson and vandalism motivated by the allegations of mass murder of Indigenous children (Amundsen 2024). Governments made no effort to get to the truth of the matter despite lurid claims of mass murder and genocidal violence. Instead, public institutions implied that Canadians should feel a generalized sense of shame and guilt – but offered no means for them to make things right.
Statues of leading historical figures including Sir John A. MacDonald, Queen Elizabeth II, Winston Churchill, Egerton Ryerson, and others have been vandalized or torn down across the country (Walker 2024). Ryerson University and Dundas Square in Toronto have been re-named, all in the name of punishing alleged (and long-dead) oppressors for their historical crimes.
A great deal of federal hiring and grant-making has favoured so-called “equity-seeking groups,” which in practice means showing favouritism towards non-White, non-male, non-heterosexual individuals regardless of qualifications or capabilities. This extends into academic hiring including by Canada Research Chairs, academic granting agencies, and other such programs (Snow 2025).
Municipalities across Canada have considered cancelling Canada Day celebrations out of deference to those who denounce Canada for its history of oppression (Thomas and Franklin 2023).
A Canadian Department of Heritage report identified the Red Ensign, Canada’s pre-1965 flag and the one under which our soldiers fought in two world wars, as a symbol of “hate-promoting beliefs” (Kozak 2022).
Strategy for a proposed solution
The first step to rebuilding patriotism and national pride is to inoculate ourselves against the “woke mind virus.” The vaccine for combatting the virus consists of two important but easily overlooked truths:
(a) It is false to say that all human interaction is nothing but a struggle between people who are only oppressors, hence who are automatically and irredeemably in the wrong, and people who are only oppressed, and hence who are always in the right. Most of life consists of co-operation for mutual benefit by people with differing goals, each of whom has some agency and who bears some moral responsibility for the outcome.
(b) The “cure” for societal oppression that Marxists and activists have proposed has always and everywhere turned out to be far worse than the disease, including for the so-called oppressed.
Reducing all human interactions to a grid that contains only oppressors and oppressed is false and toxic. It is simply untrue that all human interactions amount to exploitation and power struggles, and it is untrue that people’s current economic status reflects nothing but historical, political, or ethnic privilege, to the exclusion of people’s own choices and efforts. Further, in every instance in which economic or cultural Marxism has been established, the society thus afflicted disintegrates, oppression and tyrannical behaviour increase, and almost everyone is made worse off, including most of the so-called oppressed. Stopping this from happening in Canada will require deliberate and intentional ideological effort along the following lines.
1: Promote a positive view of our history and heritage
The Trudeau government gave the impression that we should be ashamed of our past and must atone for it by changing Canada so much that any continuity with the country founded in 1867 is broken, the historical majority becomes a minority, and the country claims no specifically Canadian culture. Proponents of this view never ask whether these proposed changes might make everyone worse off, including the alleged victim classes.
Also left unanswered is the question of what nation we ought to emulate if not our own, probably because to name one would immediately call to mind all its deficiencies, and to fail to name one implies utopianism.
A new government should rebuild unity by promoting and celebrating Canada’s history and heritage. To do this requires that we once again teach Canadians about their country. The Macdonald-Laurier Institute has published many useful reports and resources on this topic.[1] While recognizing that our national record contains errors and faults, we can nonetheless celebrate the founding of Canada as a union of immigrants from Great Britain and France along with the Indigenous populations among whom they settled, the uniting of which required considerable co-operation, toleration, and goodwill. For all its faults the constitutional order established in Canada at Confederation has given rise to one of the world’s longest-surviving democracies and a most enviable prosperity, and we can encourage gratitude and pride in this achievement.
Such an initiative could promote a number of particular stories including Canada’s pioneering role in the abolition of slavery, our leading role in the fights against fascism and communism in two world wars, the protection of our Indigenous communities during the American Indian wars (including by Sir John A. Macdonald himself, see Dutil 2024), and the building of a national railway early in our history.
2: Insist on merit-based hiring and administration
The woke movement cultivates a beneficiary clientele by convincing governments and corporations to enact favouritism in hiring based on skin colour or other demographic characteristics. This not only degrades the qualifications of large enterprises, but it backfires on qualified members of minority groups who are viewed with suspicion as “diversity hires.” The solution is for all government hiring to be merit-based, and for all institutions subject to government regulatory or financial influence, especially including universities, to be ordered to do the same.
3: Make the propensity for cultural integration a factor in immigration decisions
Canada’s current immigration numbers are out of control, as has been discussed in the report on housing costs in this series (McKitrick 2025a). However, governments must recognize that not every national and religious identity lends itself to successful integration into Canadian society. Our immigration policy needs to focus not only on getting the sheer numbers right, but getting the immigrant match right. That means looking for immigrants who will assimilate to Canada, not demand that Canadian society fundamentally change to accommodate the views and beliefs of the new immigrants.
As an example of stresses that can arise due to sudden cultural shifts, many Canadians have been horrified to see large displays of openly antisemitic, pro-Hamas protests and violence on Canadian streets following the massacre of families by the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas in Israel on October 7, 2023.[2] These displays of voluble approval have followed a doubling of the Muslim population in Canada under the Trudeau government. These immigrants hold very different views about Jews than do other Canadians. According to recent survey research:
“Forty-eight per cent of Muslim Canadian adults with an opinion agree that ‘Jewish people are largely to blame for the negative consequences of globalization,’ but a mere 5 per cent of non-Jews in the general population with an opinion endorse that conspiracy theory. And for those with an opinion there is a 49 percentage point difference regarding the statement that ‘Jewish people have too much power in our country today;’ 83 per cent of non-Jewish members of the general Canadian population disagree with that statement, compared to just 34 per cent of Muslim Canadians” (Brym 2024, 37).
There is no avoiding the reality that many strands of modern global Islam have become increasingly jihadist over the last 50 years, especially as Wahhabist imams have grown in influence (Schwartz 2003). It is misguided for Canada to import large numbers of young Muslim men from places known to cultivate sympathies for extremist Islam and Sharia law, and not expect those attitudes to be expressed once they arrive here. Public discussion about this often gets derailed when the Muslim community asks Canadians to draw subtle distinctions in our dealing with them that they do not draw themselves. For instance:
- We are supposed to regard the Gaza protests as anti-Israel rather than antisemitic. But if that were true, the protests would be focused on Israeli embassies and consulates. Instead, they are carried out anywhere Jews congregate, including Jewish schools, synagogues, businesses, neighbourhoods and university clubs. Thus, we are justified in called them antisemitic, not just anti-Israel.
- When organized acts of Muslim terrorism happen anywhere in the world, we are urged to treat it as an isolated incident attributable only to mental instability rather than certain strands of Islamic teaching, and to assume that most Muslims only want peace and condemn terrorism; to do otherwise earns an accusation of “Islamophobia.” If we are to accept this premise, the Canadian Muslim community must itself forthrightly condemn terrorist attacks, be honest about the connection between most global terrorism and Islam, and reach out in ongoing solidarity to Canada’s Jewish community. In the absence of such measures, Canadians cannot be expected to infer divisions of opinion within the Muslim community that are not observable in practice.
Other potentially problematic immigration sources include regions of India given over to Khalistani terrorism and separatism, Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-affiliated Chinese communities, and third world countries with a heavy infiltration of drug cartels and organized crime.
Making cultural assimilation an operable feature of immigration policy requires, at a minimum, enforcement of the requirement that newcomers speak one of our official languages. Ensuring that cultural assimilation is successful will also require more careful examination of the cultural milieu from which potential immigrants come, especially to assess whether they were raised to support terrorism, extremism, or cultural intolerance. We should take note of Popper’s (1945) paradox of intolerance: “Unlimited tolerance must lead to the disappearance of tolerance.” If the intolerant become sufficiently numerous they can overwhelm or drive out those who extend open trust and hospitality in society. Preservation of tolerance thus requires intolerance towards potential immigrants whose worldview is at odds with traditional Canadian society.
4: Adopting a pro-family policy
Like many Western countries, Canada’s birth rate is falling and is well below replacement levels. A separate volume in this series (McKitrick 2025b) examines this topic in detail. Some people believe immigration is a perfect substitute for fertility. This amounts to a repudiation of the notion of Canada as a meritorious country in its own right. Restoration of our national unity and pride in our heritage goes hand-in-hand with encouraging marriage and domestic fertility so that more people are born and raised here in Canada. If we believe in the value of Canada as a country, we should want young people to form families and raise children here.
5: Rename July 1 “Confederation Day”
The name of a national holiday should indicate what the country celebrates. In many cases it recalls revolt against tyranny: America celebrates independence; France celebrates the Bastille, or the overthrow of a despotic king; the British have selected Guy Fawkes and the gunpowder plot as their celebration, Germany celebrates unity following the end of Soviet domination. Other countries recall military glories as Australia and New Zealand do with ANZAC Day. Canada celebrates… what exactly? “Canada Day” leaves blank the central concept Canadians are celebrating, which creates an opening for a postmodernist like former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to redefine the country in his own image. The initial name Dominion Day was, admittedly, stodgy and obscure and merited revision. But Canada Day is unimaginative and uninspiring, which may be why more and more places don’t even bother celebrating it. What we should celebrate as a country is the gathering together of diverse peoples in a well-balanced democratic structure over a vast territory to create a free and prosperous nation. That process was called Confederation, and we should honour the group who made it happen, namely, the Fathers of Confederation. A renaming of July 1 as Confederation Day would kick-start a renewed appreciation of our founding and subsequent history.
6: Promote an appreciation of our history and heritage through a new award for young people
I propose we create a Confederation Award for Canadian children in the 12 to 14 age range. It would be earned (once only) by viewing a series of well-produced online video tutorials about great men and women from Canadian history followed by earning an A grade on a multiple-choice questionnaire. The award would consist of a cheque for an amount equal to Canada’s age in years and a congratulatory letter from the prime minister.
7: Publish an official federal reassessment of Sir John A. Macdonald that rehabilitates and defends his reputation
Assign a team of historians to write an official reassessment of Sir John A. Macdonald’s life and work, one that rehabilitates his contribution and reputation. Once the work is finished, have a federal Cabinet minister present it publicly in Kingston at Sir John A. Macdonald’s house, then use whatever federal influence is possible to restore his name to public buildings where it has been removed and to replace statues that activists toppled or destroyed. We are not obliged to cancel our history just because those who made it turned out to be imperfect human beings. We have for too long allowed Macdonald’s critics to exaggerate their case, cherry-pick adverse data, and impose anachronistic standards on his rhetoric. When the vandals and revisionists who insist on denigrating Macdonald’s name and memory have contributed even a fraction of what he did to the building up and defending of our country we might be interested in what they have to say, but not before.
8: Direct the RCMP to investigate accusations of mass murder at residential schools including by exhuming the sites alleged to be mass graves. Publish all available existing information on the matter including the full results of ground-penetrating radar surveys.
In 2021 Canadians lived under a national cloud after a story was released alleging the discovery of mass graves at a Kamloops residential school. Flags flew at half-mast for a full 5 months as Canadians endured not only domestic shame but international condemnation for having been party to the alleged torture and mass murder of children. However, to date none of the sites have been proven to be mass graves; in fact, very few have even been examined. Natural justice demands that an accused nation gets to see the evidence against it. There can be no truth and reconciliation without truth. We are now at the strange point where people trying to get the relevant physical evidence so they can determine the truth about what actually happened are condemned as “denialists.” A federal minister has gone so far as to invoke a parallel with Holocaust denialism to justify new laws outlawing “residential school denialism” (Wyton 2023).
Holocaust denialism means refusing to accept the extensively documented evidence of the massacre of Jews during WWII. What is here being called “denialism” is refusal to allow evidence to be gathered in the first place lest it contradict a narrative.
In a particularly Orwellian turn of phrase, the CBC article cited above states:
“Since the confirmation of community knowledge of suspected unmarked graves in Kamloops, First Nations across Canada have located evidence of the remains of more than 2,300 children in suspected unmarked graves at or near former residential schools and Indian hospitals” (Wyton 2023).
Bear in mind upon reading that sentence that very few sites have been studied, only a few have had any excavation, and no human remains have been found (Kennedy 2023, Flanagan 2024, De Souza 2024). Yet the wording creates the misleading impression that the bodies of 2,300 children have been found and evidence of mass graves has been confirmed. If the mass murder of Indian children took place, we need to know; likewise, if the accusations are untrue we need to stop making them.
9: Reclaim the Red Ensign
In 2022 the federal government approved the publication of a booklet intended for schools across Canada claiming that displaying the Red Ensign “denotes a desire to return to Canada’s demographics before 1967 when it was predominantly white” and its usage is “an indicator of hate-promoting beliefs” (Kozak 2022). In fact, the Red Ensign is the flag that Canada’s armed forces fought under up to 1965 and it is still displayed in Legions across the country. In addition to apologizing for this calumny and ensuring that everyone responsible is removed from government employment, the Cabinet should order the Red Ensign to be flown at the National War Memorial and on Parliament Hill on Remembrance Day.
10: Articulate the importance of the preamble to the Charter of Rights
The authors of Canada’s Charter of Rights saw fit to begin the document by saying: “Whereas Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of God and the rule of law…” Like the US Declaration of Independence, our Constitution thus implicitly acknowledges the historical fact that it is only within societies informed by certain religious traditions that liberty and freedom have ever arisen or have been sustained. Many Canadians in elite institutions ignore this and would happily remove the sentence. It would be a beneficial exercise for a Heritage minister to make a speech explaining why the phrase is there and defending its inclusion, even to the point of acknowledging that Canada has and should continue to have a civic religion, in the sense of a theistic presupposition behind ceremonies like Remembrance Day and a role for religious thought in the public sphere.
The predominance in society of values derived from the Christian Bible was not itself sufficient for the emergence of modern democracy but nonetheless played a key role in providing the philosophical arguments for individual rights and rule by the people rather than monarchs and clerics (Schirrmacher 2011). Often the articulation of these values took place as part of the struggle to support the rights of religious minorities. For instance, long before he undertook the work of creating our public school system Egerton Ryerson came to public prominence in the mid-1820s as a forceful essayist on behalf of the rights of religious minorities in Upper Canada (MacDonald 1925). Also, we have seen numerous examples of states formally embracing atheism in the 20th century, all of which became tyrannies and dictatorships.
For whatever reason, the free West overlaps with historical Christendom and it is an indisputable fact that our original founding was a project undertaken by generations who shared a Christian worldview rooted in the New Testament. We should resist measures that would casually sever the connection between a religious worldview and our constitutional order simply because relatively few people today study the relevant documents, and many are prepared to assume that the connection was mere coincidence and severing it could do no harm.
Potential challenges to implementation
Cultural Marxism protects itself by accusing opponents of being oppressors, thereby exploiting their innate decency to cause them to be ashamed and to self-censor. In the present context that means those wanting to protect and defend our history and heritage must anticipate accusations of racism, sexism, homophobia, anti-Indigenous views, etc. The fear of such accusations paralyzes many Canadians.
The key to avoiding these traps is to identify what we are for, not simply what we are against, because conservatives are for values held by the vast majority, chiefly honouring our history and heritage, maintaining public decency, supporting strong families, and creating safe and healthy communities. Upholding these values creates natural fences that limit the encroachment of woke ideology.
[1] See the “Political Tradition” category at https://macdonaldlaurier.ca/category/issues/domestic-policy-program/political-tradition/
[2] It is astonishing that the shameful and horrific attack of October 7 did not trigger deep public contrition and anguish on the part of Canadian Muslims, but the emergence of even more openly anti-Jewish rhetoric and activism. While criticism of the state of Israel is a legitimate form of expression, because it can so easily overlap with expressing support for a terrorist attack it is incumbent on protestors themselves to emphasize the distinction. Pro-Palestinian protestors who wish to distance themselves from terrorism must openly do so, and when they choose not to we are not obliged to assume they intended to do so.
About the author
Ross McKitrick holds a PhD in economics from the University of British Columbia (1996) and is a professor of economics at the University of Guelph in Guelph, Ontario. He is the author of Economic Analysis of Environmental Policy (University of Toronto Press 2010). He has been actively studying climate change, climate policy, and environmental economics since the mid-1990s. He built and published one of the first national-scale Computable General Equilibrium models for analyzing the effect of carbon taxes on the Canadian economy in the 1990s. His academic publications have appeared in many top journals. He has also written policy analyses for the Fraser Institute (where he is a senior fellow), the CD Howe Institute, the University of Calgary School of Public Policy, and other Canadian and international think-tanks. In addition to his economics research his background in applied statistics has led him to collaborative work across a wide range of topics in the physical sciences including paleoclimate reconstruction, malaria transmission, surface temperature measurement, and climate model evaluation.
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